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Liste des publications du Think Tank du PE
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank
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Auteur "PICHON Eric"
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Date de création : 11-03-2022Understanding the EU's approach to a new partnership with Africa
Type de publication Briefing
Date 11-02-2022
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé Africa has been put at the core of the Commission's geopolitical work programme and of the French Presidency of the
Council of the EU. In February 2022, a summit between EU and African Heads of State and Government will discuss
ways to build a new and comprehensive partnership, based on five pillars put forward by the EU: green transition and
energy access, digital transformation, sustainable growth and jobs, peace and governance, and migration and mobility.
Although the proposal mainly builds on existing frameworks, its high profile and clear commitment to the African Union
(AU) make it an important milestone in an effort for a deeper relationship and strengthened partnership in multilateral
fora, initiated several years ago. In order to preserve its own economic and security interests in the face of increased
geopolitical competition, the EU intends to continue to be an important player on the African continent. The EU and the
AU have converging interests in a number of areas, such as the fight against climate change and the promotion of a
sustainable, job-creating African economy. However, they still have to find common ground on migration, security
management, and fundamental values. The comprehensiveness of the proposed strategy is challenged by the gaps
and overlaps of the current variable-geometry partnerships. The coronavirus outbreak delayed the adoption of a
common strategy. At the same time, it clearly highlighted the need to strengthen the links between the two continents
in order to tackle the most urgent global issues. Measures to fight the current pandemic and to prevent future ones
have reframed the priorities and will give new impetus to partnerships in areas such as health, the fight against climate
change, and promoting the digital transformation. This briefing updates 'Towards a new EU strategy with Africa',
published in June 2020.
Briefing EN
La société civile et le futur accord entre l'Union européenne et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du
Pacifique
Type de publication Briefing
Date 11-02-2022
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé Près d'un cinquième de la population mondiale est concerné par le partenariat entre l'Union européenne (UE) et 78
pays d'Afrique subsaharienne, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP). Les organisations de la société civile ont suivi
avec intérêt les négociations qui ont abouti en avril 2021 à la proposition d'un nouvel accord entre l'UE et
l'Organisation des États ACP. Cet accord négocié couvre des champs de première importance pour la société civile,
tels que les droits de l'homme, les enjeux climatiques, le développement durable, la paix et la sécurité. Le texte
négocié reconnait l'importance de renforcer les capacités, d'informer et de consulter les organisations de la société
civile afin qu'elles participent à la mise en œuvre de la coopération ACP-UE dans leur domaine d'action. Cependant, le
nouvel accord laissera aux futures institutions du partenariat le soin de décider des structures et mécanismes qui
pourraient contribuer à l'expression de la société civile. Le Parlement européen a regretté que les organisations de la
société civile aient été peu impliquées dans l'élaboration des politiques ou le suivi des activités du partenariat actuel. Il
soutient leur souhait d'être associées à l'élaboration et à la mise en place des politiques qui découleront du futur
accord.
Briefing FR
SDG 2 – zero hunger, and EU action against hunger and malnutrition
Type de publication Briefing
Date 26-01-2022
Auteur CAPRILE ANNA | PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Agriculture et développement rural | Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé At least one of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set by the United Nations (UN) will be missed in 2030 –
SDG 2 – 'zero hunger' – also endangering the accomplishment of the rest of the SDG goals under Agenda 2030.
Hunger and malnutrition are rising dramatically across the world, a trend aggravated by the pandemic. In 2020, 811
million people in the world were facing hunger, the highest level since 2014, and 3 billion people were without access
to a healthy diet. The fight against hunger and malnutrition has been the focus of two global summits, namely the UN
Food Systems Summit (September 2021), which committed to a deep reform of global food systems, and the Nutrition
for Growth Summit (December 2021), which saw the biggest pledge since 2013. In the EU itself, considered one of the
most food-secure regions in the world, nearly 7 million people were already experiencing severe food insecurity before
the pandemic, and malnutrition is on the rise, as demonstrated by obesity and pre-obesity prevalence rates. SDG 2
aims not only at achieving food security but also at improving nutrition and promoting sustainable agriculture. These
objectives have been mainstreamed in the recently reformed common agricultural policy and the 'farm to fork' and
biodiversity strategies. In developing countries, the EU is strongly committed to achieving SDG 2. The EU institutions
and Member States, which collectively provide more than half of official development assistance worldwide, have
reaffirmed this commitment in the new European 'consensus on development'. Alongside development aid, the EU has
several levers at its disposal to act on food insecurity causes, such as security and defence missions and
comprehensive strategies in conflict areas, as well as substantial research capacities. The fact that its internal policies,
in particular agricultural, climate and trade policies, have a spill-over effect on other food systems in the world, in
particular in poorer countries, also make the EU a significant player.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 1Nouvelles lignes directrices pour l’action humanitaire de l’Union
Type de publication En bref
Date 08-12-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé On estime qu’en 2022, 274 millions de personnes auront besoin d’aide humanitaire à travers le monde, soit près de
deux tiers de plus qu’en 2020. Actuellement, la durée moyenne d’une crise humanitaire dépasse neuf ans; l’aide se
révèle souvent insuffisante et le droit humanitaire est trop souvent violé. La Commission européenne a proposé de
nouvelles manières de collaborer avec les partenaires et les autres donateurs de la planète, afin de réagir plus
rapidement aux urgences et d’apporter une aide humanitaire de manière plus efficace. La commission du
développement du Parlement européen a rédigé un rapport d’initiative sur de nouvelles lignes directrices pour l’action
humanitaire de l’Union; ce texte sera mis aux voix lors de la période de session plénière de décembre 2021.
En bref ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
Cities in a globalised world: Exploring trends and the effect on urban resilience
Type de publication Étude
Date 07-10-2021
Auteur BINDER ECKHARD | GARCIA HIGUERA ANDRES | IONESCU Sorina | KULJANIC Nera | MORGADO SIMOES
HENRIQUE ANDRE | PICHON Eric | RITTELMEYER Yann-Sven | SOONE Jaan | ZAMFIR Ionel
Domaine politique Développement régional
Résumé Cities are inevitably affected by shocks and disruptions, the pandemic being a case in point. The extent of the impact
however depends on cities' preparedness and capacity to adapt. By thinking ahead, cities can explore emerging or
plausible developments in order to anticipate them and contain potential disruption. Drawing on a report prepared by
the European Strategy and Policy Analysis System (ESPAS), this EPRS paper explores the impact on and implications
for cities of current global trends, such as climate change, population growth, urbanisation, economic growth,
increasing energy demand, higher connectivity and a changing world order, that will have direct consequences for the
future of cities and their inhabitants.
Étude EN
International Agreements in Progress - After Cotonou: Towards a new agreement with the African,
Caribbean and Pacific states
Type de publication Briefing
Date 21-09-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé accord de Cotonou | négociation d'accord (UE) | pays ACP | relation ACP-UE | révision d'accord
Résumé After two years of negotiations, the text of a renewed partnership agreement between the European Union (EU) and
the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) states was initialled in April 2021. The current partnership agreement
(‘Cotonou’) was due to expire in February 2020. The then ACP Group of States – which later became the Organisation
of the ACP States (OACPS) – and the EU started negotiations on a 'post-Cotonou' agreement in September 2018. The
EU and the OACPS agreed on the principle of a common foundation complemented by three regional protocols. The
multi-level negotiations, the coronavirus crisis and difficulties in reaching agreement on sensitive issues, such as
migration management and sexual and reproductive health and rights, prevented the new agreement from being
finalised by the initial expiry date set in the Cotonou Agreement. Thus, to avoid a legal vacuum in relations, the
provisions of that agreement were extended until the end of 2021. The European Parliament insisted on maintaining
the ACP-EU joint parliamentary assembly and was successful in this endeavour; in addition, three regional
parliamentary assemblies will be created in the future institutional set-up of the partnership. The new agreement still
needs to be signed by the parties, and further legal procedures will be required before it can be provisionally applied or
enter fully into force. Seventh edition. To view earlier editions of this briefing, please see the EPRS blog.
Briefing EN
Dix indices composites pour l’élaboration des politiques
Type de publication Analyse approfondie
Date 08-09-2021
Auteur DOBREVA Alina | JENSEN LISELOTTE | PICHON Eric | WIDUTO Agnieszka
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Démocratie | Environnement | Politique sociale | Sécurité et défense
Résumé Les éléments de preuve et les données jouent un rôle fondamental dans l’élaboration de politiques efficaces et
constituent une ressource essentielle pour la fixation des priorités, l’atténuation des effets pervers et la définition des
meilleurs compromis. Les informations contenues dans ce document ont pour objectif d’aider les responsables
politiques en leur fournissant des sources de données et en relevant les biais éventuels associés à leur utilisation.
L’EPRS a sélectionné 10 indices composites élaborés à partir de données fiables relevant de divers domaines
d’action. Ces indices sont d’ores et déjà utilisés comme référence par les responsables politiques. Chaque indice fait
l’objet d’une section qui présente ses auteurs et ses objectifs, les données à partir desquelles il est élaboré, ainsi que
son utilisation actuelle mais aussi potentielle par les responsables politiques. Chaque section met également en
lumière les limites inhérentes à l’utilisation de l’indice concerné.
Analyse approfondie DE, EN, FR
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 2New EU strategic priorities for the Sahel: Addressing regional challenges through better governance
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 09-07-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire | Sécurité et défense
Mot-clé coup d'État | droits de l'homme | démocratie | gouvernance | migration forcée | politique étrangère et de sécurité
commune | rapport | Sahel | société civile | stratégie de l’UE | terrorisme | État de droit
Résumé Recent events have shown that the Sahel region remains highly politically unstable. The military takeover of the
Chadian government following President Idriss Déby's sudden death in April 2021 and the repercussions of the August
2020 and May 2021 military coups in Mali are worrying signs of weak democratic governance structures. Burkina
Faso's transitional democracy has also been severely destabilised by the activities of extremist groups and internal
conflicts. This political fragility and the lack of government legitimacy have made the responses to the Sahel's security
and humanitarian issues all the more challenging. The continued threat posed by terrorist armed groups and rising
intercommunal violence over land and resources have led to both internal and cross-border displacements in Sahel
countries. Meanwhile, the inadequacy of governance mechanisms for managing this displacement, compounded by
environmental degradation, resource scarcity and population growth, has created a severe humanitarian crisis. Since
2011, the European Union (EU) strategy for the Sahel has focused on both security and development to address these
numerous and interconnected challenges. However, EU efforts have remained dominated by a military approach to
tackle rising terrorist activity, achieving concrete results but ultimately falling short of long-term regional stability. The
new EU integrated strategy in the Sahel aims to strengthen action at the political level, focusing on governance
mechanisms, human rights, and collaboration with civil society and local authorities, while maintaining security
cooperation with states in the region.
Briefing EN
Mali: Yet another coup
Type de publication En bref
Date 16-06-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire | Sécurité et défense
Mot-clé chef d'État | coup d'État | Mali | rapport | élection présidentielle
Résumé On 24 May 2021, the Malian transitional government suffered a coup – the second in nine months – which cast a
shadow on the transition process that should lead to a presidential election in early 2022. These developments risk
further destabilising the Sahel and challenge the implementation of the new EU strategy in the region.
En bref EN
New Ethiopian dam sparks controversy among Nile states
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 21-04-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé accord de coopération | cours d'eau | gestion de l'eau | impact sur l'environnement | ouvrage d'art | Soudan | station
énergétique | Union africaine | Égypte | énergie hydraulique | Éthiopie
Résumé Successive negotiation rounds between Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt about the filling and operation of the Grand
Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) have ended in stalemate. This new dam, built by Ethiopia on the Blue Nile (the
Nile's main tributary), will bring into operation Africa's largest hydropower plant. It is expected to secure access to
electricity for the majority of Ethiopians, to foster economic development and to provide revenues from the sale of
surplus electricity abroad. For its part, Sudan expects the new dam will not only help regulate the flow of the Nile and
prevent devastating floods but also provide access to cheap energy; still, it fears the new dam will hinder the yield of its
own dam – Roseires – situated within a short distance downstream. Egypt too is worried about the potential impact of
the new dam on its own Aswan High Dam, and that it will give Ethiopia control over the flow of the Nile and reduce the
fresh water available for Egyptians. Yet again, the GERD has reignited a long rivalry about the sharing of waters
among the Nile basin countries. Most – including Ethiopia – have signed a comprehensive framework agreement on
the water management of the Nile and its tributaries. However, Sudan and Egypt have refused to take part in the Nile
basin comprehensive framework agreement, unless it recognises their right to oversee the use of most of the Nile
waters, which a bilateral treaty of 1959 accorded to them, but which is contested by other basin countries. The EU
supports the African Union in the quest for a negotiated solution on the GERD, which risks further setbacks due to the
conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region. This is an update of a Briefing published in December 2020. The author
acknowledges the assistance of Christian Meseth from the Directorate-General for External Policies (DG EXPO) with
the updating.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 3The external dimension of the new pact on migration and asylum: A focus on prevention and readmission
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 07-04-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé contrôle des migrations | contrôle à la frontière | coopération transfrontalière | demandeur d’asile | droit d'asile | Frontex
| frontière extérieure de l'UE | instrument financier de l'UE | migrant | migration de retour | pays tiers | politique
migratoire de l'UE
Résumé The challenges posed by migration have put EU Member States' solidarity to the test. Responding to a European
Council request, in September 2020 the European Commission proposed a new pact on migration and asylum, to
reinforce solidarity among the Member States and to strengthen EU migration management and asylum procedures,
while also making them more consistent. The proposed pact has an external aspect as well: building on current EU
migration partnership frameworks, it aims to reinforce international partnerships with a view to ensuring effective
returns, combating migrant smuggling more effectively, and developing legal migration channels. In the context of
migration, the EU's external policy has among its objectives to help third countries tackle the root causes of irregular
migration or quests for asylum. The European Parliament often emphasises this point, while warning at the same time
that security and migration management concerns should not result in diverting funds from core EU development
cooperation objectives. This is also a concern among academia and non-governmental organisations dealing with
migration issues: several have pointed out that the Commission's proposals for the above-mentioned pact and the
working document, recommendations and legislative proposals accompanying it put a lesser emphasis on pathways to
legal migration than on measures aimed at incentivising third countries to retain possible irregular migrants or to accept
returns.
Briefing EN
Multimédia The external dimension of the new pact on migration and asylum: A focus on prevention and readmission
Une nouvelle stratégie UE-Afrique – un partenariat pour un développement durable et inclusif
Type de publication En bref
Date 22-03-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé aide au développement | coopération internationale | coopération économique | croissance économique |
développement durable | politique en matière de changement climatique | politique migratoire | relation ACP-UE |
Union africaine
Résumé L’Union européenne (UE) et l’Union africaine (UA) ont des intérêts convergents dans un certain nombre de domaines,
tels que la lutte contre le changement climatique et la promotion d’une croissance économique durable et créatrice
d’emplois en Afrique. Toutefois, elles doivent encore trouver un terrain d’entente sur la migration, la gestion de la
sécurité et les valeurs fondamentales. En mars 2020, la Commission européenne et le haut représentant de l’Union
pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité et vice-président de la Commission européenne (HR/VP) ont
proposé de mettre en place un nouveau partenariat global avec l’Afrique, soulignant la volonté de l’UE de renforcer les
liens entre les deux continents. Conformément à cette proposition de partenariat, le Parlement européen devrait
débattre d’un rapport d’initiative au cours de sa période de session de mars II.
En bref ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
Charting a course through stormy waters: The EU as a maritime security actor
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 25-02-2021
Auteur LATICI Tania | PICHON Eric | STANICEK BRANISLAV
Domaine politique Sécurité et défense
Mot-clé Agence européenne pour la sécurité maritime | coopération internationale | coopération UE-OTAN | force navale |
mission militaire de l'UE | politique européenne de défense | politique maritime intégrée | surveillance maritime |
sécurité maritime | transport maritime
Résumé The European Union (EU) is a one-of-a-kind maritime actor, which brings both opportunities and responsibilities. It is
argued that if the EU-27 were to combine the capacities and capabilities of their navies, they would form one of the
world's largest maritime powers. There is therefore space for better integration of capabilities and for greater
coherence among the EU's tools to promote its multi-dimensional strategic maritime interests. As around 90 % of
global goods are traded via maritime routes, freedom of navigation, security, sustainability and respect for international
law are crucial for the EU. These routes are however becoming increasingly contested and restricted, reflecting new
patterns of global power distribution. In the security and defence field, the EU's common security and defence policy
instruments, particularly its missions and operations abroad, are the most visible manifestation of its maritime
actorness. The maritime dimension of the EU's security and defence policy has been put in the spotlight by Portugal,
the holder of the EU Council presidency in the first half of 2021. Two of the 17 EU missions and operations are naval
military operations: EUNAVFOR Somalia Atalanta in the western part of the Indian Ocean, and EUNAVFOR MED Irini
in the central part of the Mediterranean Sea. EU Member States also participate in multinational maritime coalitions as
well as in NATO's own maritime operation, Sea Guardian, patrolling the entire Mediterranean Sea. In following the
orientations provided by its maritime and global strategies, the EU is aiming to increase its capacity and reliability as a
maritime security actor. One example is its coordinated maritime presences, launched in January 2021 with a pilot
case in the Gulf of Guinea to boost the EU's maritime capacity and global outreach. Another is the EU's action to boost
its maritime defence capabilities through the various post-2016 initiatives that aim to incentivise collaborative projects.
Finally, the EU has also enhanced its cooperation with NATO in ensuring maritime security in the transatlantic space,
although political obstacles remain.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 4International Agreements in Progress - After Cotonou: Towards a new agreement with the African,
Caribbean and Pacific states
Type de publication Briefing
Date 20-01-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé The Cotonou partnership agreement between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP)
states was due to expire in February 2020. The then ACP Group of States – which later became the Organisation of
the ACP States (OACPS) – and the EU started negotiations for a 'post-Cotonou' agreement in September 2018. This
time around, the main challenge for the EU is to maintain its cooperation with the three OACPS sub-regions and to
continue to promote the values enshrined in the EU Treaties. At the same time, the new partnership should take into
account the United Nations' sustainable development goals, the redefinition of the EU's strategies for the regions
concerned, the ACP states' new ambitions and the changing balance of power at the global level. Both the EU and the
OACPS have agreed on the principle of a common foundation complemented by three regional protocols. These multi-
level negotiations, the coronavirus crisis and difficulties in reaching agreement on sensitive issues, such as migration
management and sexual and reproductive health and rights, prevented the new agreement from being finalised by the
initial expiry date set in the Cotonou Agreement. Thus, to avoid a legal vacuum in relations, the provisions of this
agreement were extended until the end of 2021. After two years of negotiations, a political deal was reached in
December 2020, including on the most complex issues. The European Parliament insisted on maintaining the ACP-EU
joint parliamentary assembly and was successful in this endeavour; in addition, three regional parliamentary
assemblies will be created in the future institutional set-up of the partnership.
Briefing EN
Les droits de l’homme et la démocratie dans le monde
Type de publication En bref
Date 13-01-2021
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Coronavirus
Mot-clé droits de l'homme | démocratie | impact social | maladie à coronavirus | mouvement pour les droits de l'homme |
politique étrangère et de sécurité commune | rapport d'activité | reprise économique | égalité de traitement | épidémie
Résumé Au cours de la session plénière de janvier 2021, le Parlement européen doit débattre du rapport annuel de l’Union sur
les droits de l’homme et la démocratie dans le monde. Le dernier rapport annuel, adopté par le Conseil en juin 2020,
souligne le rôle de premier plan joué par l’Union dans la promotion des droits de l’homme et de la démocratie en 2019,
dans un contexte de tendances négatives à l’échelle mondiale. Le rapport de la commission des affaires étrangères du
Parlement tient compte des évolutions plus récentes, telles que l’incidence du coronavirus. Il fait observer que la
réaction à la pandémie a entraîné un recul du respect des normes en matière de démocratie et de droits de l’homme
dans certains pays. Sur la base de ce rapport, il est prévu que le Parlement formule des recommandations relatives à
la future action de l’Union en faveur des droits de l’homme et de la démocratie.
En bref ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
Sudan: A transition under pressure
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 18-12-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Coronavirus | Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé aide au développement | aide humanitaire | changement de régime politique | inflation | instauration de la paix |
récession économique | réforme politique | Soudan | transition économique | économie en transition
Résumé One year after its inception, the transitional government of Sudan, born out of the protests that brought down the 30-
year regime of Omar al-Bashir in 2019, continues to face grave challenges at domestic and international level. The
hybrid government, composed of civilians and members of the security forces, declared that peace negotiations and
tackling the economic crisis would be its priorities during a 39-month transitional period leading up to elections in 2022.
On 3 October 2020, the government concluded a peace deal with several armed groups. Although spurned by the
main armed group in Darfur, peace negotiations made headway towards addressing persistent inequalities between
the centre and the peripheries, amending originally agreed power-sharing arrangements and securing a commitment
from the new cabinet to hand over the suspects wanted by the International Criminal Court. Funding constraints could
however threaten the implementation of a peace deal, as long-standing structural issues, unsustainable levels of debt
and crippling inflation already beset Sudan's economy, further damaged by the impact of the lockdown imposed in
response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Economic concerns have spilled over onto the diplomatic sphere: under US
pressure, Sudan has agreed to a rapprochement with Israel in order to secure its removal from the US terror list, a
prerequisite for obtaining debt relief. This has further tested the coalition's coherence, and public support for
government policies. The EU has been supporting the transition towards a civilian government and has pledged a
massive rise in development and humanitarian funding.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 5Amending the European Fund for Sustainable Development
Type de publication Briefing
Date 19-10-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Adoption de la législation par le Parlement européen et le Conseil | Affaires étrangères | Coronavirus
Mot-clé budget de l'UE | budget rectificatif | développement durable | fonds (UE) | maladie à coronavirus | épidémie
Résumé The EU is in the process of adapting its budgetary instruments to respond to the consequences of the coronavirus
crisis, in particular in raising the established ceilings for some financial instruments. The proposed adjustments include,
among other things, measures aimed at helping the most fragile third countries recover from the consequences of the
pandemic. In particular, on 28 May 2020, the European Commission put forward a proposal concerning the European
Fund for Sustainable Development (EFSD) in order to expand its coverage and raise the funds dedicated to leverage
private investment for sustainable development and the guarantees to de-risk such investment. On 21 July 2020, the
European Council rejected the draft amending budget that would have provided increased EFSD funding for the
current year.
Briefing EN
World Food Programme: Food for peace
Type de publicationEn bref
Date 15-10-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Coronavirus | Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé aide alimentaire | alimentation humaine | chaîne d'approvisionnement | faim | indépendance alimentaire | maladie à
coronavirus | malnutrition | programmes et fonds de l'ONU | sécurité alimentaire | épidémie
Résumé On 9 October 2020, the Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations World
Food Programme (WFP) 'for its efforts to combat hunger, for its contribution to bettering conditions for peace in
conflict-affected areas and for acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of hunger as a weapon of war and
conflict'. Adding to a worrying rise in food insecurity, the impacts of the coronavirus pandemic have pushed millions
more people to the brink of famine. The WFP's expertise on emergencies, often in conflict areas, has provided relief to
the most fragile populations. The EU supports the WFP through funding, knowledge-sharing, and protecting its vessels
from piracy in certain waters.
En bref EN
International Agreements in Progress - After Cotonou: Towards a new agreement with the African,
Caribbean and Pacific states
Type de publication Briefing
Date 12-10-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé accord de Cotonou | accord international | pays ACP | relation ACP-UE
Résumé The Cotonou partnership agreement between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP)
states is due to expire at the end of 2020. The then ACP Group of States – which later became the Organisation of the
ACP States (OACPS) – and the EU adopted their negotiating mandates in May and June 2018 respectively, thus
starting negotiations for a 'post-Cotonou' agreement in September 2018. The main challenge for the EU is to maintain
its cooperation with the three OACPS sub-regions and to continue to promote the values enshrined in the EU Treaties.
At the same time, the new partnership should take into account the United Nations' sustainable development goals, the
redefinition of European strategies in the concerned regions, the new ambitions of the ACP states and the changing
balance of power at the global level. Both the EU and the OACPS have agreed on the principle of a common
foundation complemented by three regional protocols. These multi-level negotiations and the ongoing discussions on
the next EU multiannual budget prevented the new agreement from being finalised by February 2020, the initial expiry
date set in the Cotonou Agreement. Thus, in order to avoid a legal vacuum in relations, the provisions of the latter have
been extended until the end of 2020. Negotiations are now in their final stages, however some complex issues remain
to be solved, among which the institutional setting of the partnership, including the future of the ACP-EU Joint
Parliamentary Assembly. Fifth edition. The ‘International Agreements in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages
throughout the process, from initial discussions through to ratification. To view earlier editions of this briefing (in
French), please see the EPRS blog, https://epthinktank.eu/2018/07/09/le-futur-partenariat-de-lunion-europeenne-avec-
les-pays-dafrique-des-caraibes-et-du-pacifique-international-agreements-in-progress/.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 6The G5 Sahel and the European Union: The challenges of security cooperation with a regional grouping
Type de publication Briefing
Date 15-09-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Sécurité et défense
Mot-clé accord de coopération (UE) | Sahel | sécurité internationale
Résumé The August 2020 coup in Mali recalls the coup the country witnessed in 2012 and highlights the growing instability and
insecurity the Sahel region has been facing for a decade now. The combined effect of population growth, poverty,
climate change, unsustainable land tenure and marginalisation of peripheral populations has been fuelling community-
based tensions and anger towards governments in the region. Weak state power and porous borders have enabled the
proliferation of jihadist and other armed groups and the intensification of violence. In 2014, as a collective answer to
the growing security threat, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger created the G5 Sahel, an
intergovernmental cooperation framework seeking to coordinate the security and development policies of its member
states. In 2017, the G5 Sahel Joint Force was launched with the aim of fighting terrorism and organised crime in the
region. In addition to its own security and development strategy in the region, the EU has developed close links with
the G5 Sahel in support of its work towards sustainable peace and development, including regular political dialogues
and three CSDP missions to train and advise the G5 Sahel national armies and Joint Force. The recent coup in Mali
has led to the suspension of some forms of cooperation between the EU and the G5 Sahel. However, while efforts to
find common ground for action and to build a lasting partnership with unstable countries remains a challenge, the EU is
not ready to leave this strategic field to other players.
Briefing EN
Understanding the EU Strategy for the Sahel
Type de publication Briefing
Date 07-09-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé aide au développement | coup d'État | géopolitique | politique étrangère et de sécurité commune | pénurie alimentaire |
rôle international de l'UE | Sahel | stratégie de l’UE | terrorisme
Résumé The August 2020 coup in Mali has once again demonstrated the instability of the Sahel. The region is affected by
climate change and rapid population growth. Rivalries over access to livelihoods exacerbate grievances against states.
Struggling to provide basic services throughout their territory and security at their borders, governments are competing
with armed groups that have emerged from the failed regimes of Central Africa, North Africa and the Middle East. The
instability in this region has direct consequences for the security of the European Union's neighbours and for the EU
itself. In 2011, to respond to the multiple factors of this instability, the EU adopted the Sahel security and development
strategy: the first comprehensive approach aimed at ensuring various external policy programmes and instruments
converge towards common objectives. Despite the revamping of the strategy in 2015 based on the lessons learnt, its
implementation, which involves the coordination of multiple stakeholders, has been difficult. While it has contributed to
notable progress towards integration and regionalisation, security challenges have impeded tangible achievements in
preventing radicalisation and fostering inclusive development. The Sahel action plan, adopted in 2015 to provide an
overall framework for the implementation of the strategy, comes to an end in 2020; its revision (or replacement) will
need to take the EU's and Africa's new geopolitical interests on board. As the EU endeavours to reconnect with Africa
in a regional and full-fledged partnership, the successes and failures of the EU Strategy for the Sahel could inspire the
whole EU development and security policy on the continent. This briefing is a translated and revised version of Le
Sahel: un enjeu stratégique pour l'Union européenne, of November 2017.
Briefing EN
Multimédia Understanding the EU Strategy for the Sahel
Mali: The coup and its consequences
Type de publication En bref
Date 04-09-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé contentieux électoral | coup d'État | crise politique | Mali | politique étrangère et de sécurité commune
Résumé On 18 August 2020, a group of mutinying soldiers from the Malian army arrested President Ibrahim Boubakar Keita
and forced him to resign and dissolve the government and National Assembly. Although the putschists promised to
organise elections and reinstate the constitutional order, no clear path for transition emerged from the discussions with
the West African regional authority, ECOWAS. The coup risks further destabilising the Sahel and challenges the EU
strategy in the region.
En bref EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 7Towards a new EU strategy with Africa: A renewed focus on outreach
Type de publication Briefing
Date 12-06-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé Africa has been put at the core of the Commission's geopolitical work programme. In March 2020, the European
Commission and the High Representative of the EU for Foreign and Security Policy proposed to build a new and
comprehensive partnership with Africa. Although the proposal mainly builds on existing frameworks, its high profile and
clear commitment to the African Union (AU) make it an important milestone in a partnership effort initiated several
years ago. In order to preserve its own economic and security interests in the face of increased geopolitical
competition, the EU intends to continue to be an important player on the African continent. The EU and the AU have
converging interests in a number of areas, such as the fight against climate change and the promotion of a
sustainable, job-creating African economy. However, they still have to find common ground on migration, security
management, and fundamental values. The comprehensiveness of the proposed strategy is challenged by the gaps
and overlaps of the current variable-geometry partnerships. The coronavirus outbreak will probably lead to a
redefinition of the strategy's priorities even before it is adopted. At the same time, it shows the need to strengthen the
links between the two continents in order to tackle the most urgent global issues.
Briefing EN
The EU and multilateral conflict management: The case of the Central African Republic
Type de publication Briefing
Date 10-06-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé aide au développement | crise politique | instauration de la paix | politique étrangère et de sécurité commune | relation
multilatérale | République centrafricaine | rôle international de l'UE | violence politique
Résumé The EU supports multilateralism in the furtherance of peace and security, acting as a partner to both the United
Nations and regional organisations in the effort to prevent violent conflicts, mitigate their consequences and aid long-
term recovery. A significant share of EU development cooperation is dedicated to fragile and conflict-afflicted countries
or areas whose populations suffer prolonged humanitarian crises. One such country, the Central African Republic
(CAR), ranks second last in the Human Development Index and has been confronted with a complex emergency
requiring a multi-faceted response. The country remains profoundly affected by the violent upheaval that displaced a
quarter of its population and decimated its economy in 2013. Multiple armed groups control or contest about 80 % of
the national territory, benefiting from illicit activities and the lucrative circulation of arms, fighters and natural resources
across porous borders, as the state builds up institutions that have traditionally held little sway outside the capital
Bangui. The EU – the country's biggest donor – is part of a dense UN-led network of external actors committed to
supporting the government and the national partners in the pursuit of peace among the parties to the conflict. No
previous peace accord has been the object of so much effort from the international community as the political
agreement brokered in February 2019 in Khartoum. Its tenuous implementation has reduced overall levels of insecurity
without winning all hearts and minds. The EU has developed a particular synergy with the UN on security sector
reform. As the CAR prepares for political wrangling at the ballot box in 2020, the EU will, at a pivotal moment, launch a
new civilian Advisory Mission (EUAM RCA) alongside the existing military Training Mission (EUTM RCA).
Briefing EN
Coronavirus in Africa: A crisis with multiple impacts
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 07-05-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric | ZAMFIR Ionel
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères | Coronavirus
Mot-clé Afrique | conséquence économique | démocratie | impact social | maladie à coronavirus | prévention des maladies |
système de santé | épidémie
Résumé At the beginning of May, the number of Covid-19 cases in Africa was lower than in other regions of the world. North
African countries and South Africa are the most affected by the pandemic. Limited testing capacity and Africa's young
population are often mentioned as possible explanations for this overall low rate. The very early preventive measures
adopted by most governments are also credited for slowing down the spread of the disease. Africa's medical systems
are poorly equipped to handle a massive epidemic, despite notable recent progress in preparedness for epidemics in
general and increased testing capacity for the coronavirus. On the other hand, African economies have been severely
hit by the pandemic. The drop in oil and other commodity prices, the disruption in global supply chains affecting African
exporters, the drying up of external financial flows compounding an already difficult financial situation for many states,
as well as the effects of confinement particularly on urban populations living off informal daily activities, are taking a
heavy toll on the continent's economies. This creates a risk of social instability, with poorer people already facing food
deprivation in urban slums. Long-term confinement and social distancing are simply impossible in many African
settings. The pandemic has also affected the fragile democratic institutions of some African countries. Restrictions on
freedom of expression and assembly, as well as the postponement of elections can undermine recent democratic
progress. Africa needs massive help to overcome these challenges. The international community has prepared various
packages, including a debt moratorium to relieve the economic and financial burden. The European Union is
refocusing the funds earmarked for Africa to fighting the pandemic. The consequences of the outbreak will profoundly
reshape the discussions on a renewed Africa-EU partnership, and if correctly seized, might be the opportunity to
strengthen this partnership.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 8Piracy in the Gulf of Guinea: EU and international action
Type de publication Briefing
Date 12-03-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire | Sécurité et défense
Mot-clé Afrique occidentale | lutte contre le crime | océan Atlantique | piraterie | surveillance maritime | sécurité maritime
Résumé The Gulf of Guinea is framed by 6 000 km of west African coastline, from Senegal to Angola. Its sea basin is an
important resource for fisheries and is part of a key sea route for the transport of goods between central and southern
Africa and the rest of the world. Its geo-political and geo-economic importance has grown since it has become a
strategic hub in global and regional energy trade. Every day, nearly 1 500 fishing vessels, cargo ships and tankers
navigate its waters. The security of this maritime area is threatened by the rise of piracy, illegal fishing, and other
maritime crimes. Regional actors have committed to cooperate on tackling the issue through the 'Yaoundé Code of
Conduct' and the related cooperation mechanism and bodies. The international community has also pledged to track
and condemn acts of piracy at sea. The European Union (EU), which has a strong interest in safeguarding its maritime
trade and in addressing piracy's root causes, supports regional and international initiatives. The EU is also
implementing its own maritime security strategy, which includes, among other features, a regional component for the
Gulf of Guinea; this entails EU bodies' and Member States' cooperation in countering acts of piracy, as well as
capacity-building projects. This briefing draws from and updates the sections on the Gulf of Guinea in 'Piracy and
armed robbery off the coast of Africa', EPRS, March 2019.
Briefing EN
Accords internationaux en marche: Le futur partenariat de l’UE avec les pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et
du Pacifique (« post-Cotonou »)
Type de publication Briefing
Date 19-02-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Résumé L’accord de partenariat entre l’Union européenne et les pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP) devait
expirer en février 2020. La renégociation de cet « Accord de Cotonou » offre l’opportunité de revoir les relations entre
les pays ACP et l’Union en tenant compte des objectifs de développement durable des Nations unies, de la redéfinition
des stratégies européennes dans les régions concernées, des nouvelles ambitions des pays ACP et de l’évolution de
l’équilibre des pouvoirs au niveau mondial. Le principal défi pour l’Union européenne est de maintenir ses relations
dans les trois sous-régions, tout en restant fidèle aux valeurs promues dans les traités européens. La question du
financement est également sur la table. Le groupe ACP et l’Union européenne ont adopté leurs mandats de
négociation respectivement en mai et juin 2018 et les négociations ont débuté en septembre 2018. Les parties
prenantes se sont accordées sur le principe d’un socle commun complété par trois protocoles régionaux. Ces
négociations à plusieurs niveaux ainsi que les discussions en cours sur le futur budget de l’UE ont empêché de
finaliser l’accord à temps. Afin d’éviter un vide juridique dans les relations après l’échéance prévue de l’accord de
Cotonou, les dispositions de ce dernier ont été prolongées jusqu’au 31 décembre 2020 au plus tard. Quatrième
édition. Les Briefings 'Accords internationaux en marche' sont actualisés à des étapes clés de la procédure de
ratification. Versions précédentes de ce briefing : PE 625.111, juillet 2018, PE 630.280, novembre 2018, PE 637.981,
juillet 2019.
Briefing FR
Understanding development effectiveness: Concepts, players and tools
Type de publicationBriefing
Date 09-01-2020
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé aide de l'UE | analyse coût-efficacité | gouvernance | pauvreté | politique de coopération | politique de développement |
transparence administrative
Résumé In the context of the limited availability of development aid, there is an increased demand for effective results. This
means that both developing and richer countries must commit to spending and using aid more effectively. Public
funding is not enough to cover all needs, but it can leverage initiatives from civil society and the private sector. The
increase in stakeholders and intervention methods, both in terms of numbers and variety, combined with the necessity
to address needs in the field more precisely, has led to a global rethinking of how to assess development. High-level
forums and stakeholder networks have helped to fine-tune the main principles of development effectiveness and to
shift from a donor-recipient relationship to a more cooperative framework. Methods and tools have improved and led to
better planning, implementation and appraisal of development projects. The EU has been closely involved in designing
and implementing the effectiveness principles. The European Parliament often refers to them, insisting that they must
not be sacrificed for the sake of short-term interests. This briefing is an update of a previous edition from April 2017.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 9Reporting on SDG implementation: UN mechanisms and the EU approach
Type de publication Briefing
Date 20-12-2019
Auteur PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé collecte de données | développement durable | ONU | rôle international de l'UE
Résumé Adopted in 2015 by the United Nations (UN), the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development – 'the blueprint to achieve
a better and more sustainable future for all' – clearly links the 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) it introduced
to a series of targets to be reached by 2030. The 2030 Agenda includes a detailed mechanism to monitor progress
with regard to these targets. At the core of this mechanism are a number of quantified indicators for each target that
are regularly revised by the UN and other international agencies. These agencies and the EU provide support to
national statistical services across the world in collecting data for the SDG indicators in order to gather reliable and
comparable datasets. These data feed the voluntary national reports that countries prepare to exchange good
practices and advice on tackling the challenges they encounter in implementing their SDG strategies. High-level
forums take stock of both progress and weaknesses in implementation, so as to ensure that everybody is on track in
pursuing the SDGs. The EU has long experience in collecting consistent data from its Member States. The European
Union Statistical Office (Eurostat) has created a set of sustainable development indicators that provide a good
overview of progress within the EU; yet, according to analysts, these indicators do not give a clear picture of the risks
of not attaining some goals by 2030. EU development cooperation services have devised a framework of indicators to
assess how EU support contributes to other countries' implementation of the SDGs. However, the European
Parliament and other stakeholders regret that the spill-over effect of EU policies on third countries remains a blind spot
in the evaluation of the EU's contribution to the SDGs. Although technical in nature, SDG indicators and data also have
a political dimension, as they clearly measure countries' and other stakeholders' achievements against their own
commitments.
Briefing EN
Understanding the Sustainable Development Goals
Type de publication Briefing
Date 13-12-2019
Auteur LATEK Marta | PICHON Eric
Domaine politique Développement et aide humanitaire
Mot-clé développement durable | ONU
Résumé In 2015, the United Nations adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), to be attained by 2030, as a follow-
up to the Millennium Development Goals (2000-2015) and the Rio+20 Summit (2012). Unlike their predecessors, the
SDGs commit both developed and developing countries, and embrace the economic, environmental and social
aspects of development. The SDGs and the broader 2030 Agenda for sustainable development of which they form the
core, are based on the findings that human activities have triggered dramatic changes in the conditions on Earth
(climate change and biodiversity loss), which in turn have contributed to the deterioration of human well being. To
reverse the trend, there is an urgent need to simultaneously address the multiple causes and consequences of
environmental depletion and social inequalities, by developing synergies and managing trade-offs between the SDGs.
Challenges in pursuing the SDGs include the fact that countries do not necessarily have an equal start and, even more
importantly, that regardless of their stage of development, they can no longer afford to apply the current development
model, where production and consumption happen at the expense of natural resources. According to many observers,
such a model creates unsolvable tensions between SDGs, notably between the safeguarding of natural resources and
the aspirations for improved well-being. The structural transformation that would bring about the desired change
requires a joint effort by the international community, but equally so by natural and public or private legal persons, to
urgently speed up the process. The European Union has been a leader in drafting and implementing the SDGs;
however, the European Parliament considers the EU could go further in devising a common SDG strategy. This
briefing updates an EPRS 'At a glance' note published in November 2017, PE 608.819.
Briefing EN
Russia in Africa: A new arena for geopolitical competition
Type de publication Briefing
Date 08-11-2019
Auteur PICHON Eric | RUSSELL Martin
Domaine politique Affaires étrangères
Mot-clé Afrique | géographie politique | ingérence | Russie
Résumé During the Cold War, post-colonial Africa was an important front in the geopolitical contest for international influence.
However, in the 1990s, post-Soviet turmoil ended many of Russia's global ambitions, including in Africa. By contrast,
recent years have seen a renewed Russian interest in the continent, as part of President Vladimir Putin's drive to
reassert his country as a major global player. As in other parts of the world, Russia has various means of promoting its
influence. Moscow has long been the continent's leading supplier of weapons, and it has military cooperation deals
with nearly two dozen African countries. Among other things, these provide for the presence of military trainers and
advisors, and a small but growing number of Russian 'boots on the ground', many of them coming from shadowy
private military companies closely linked to Putin's entourage. Russia's military presence in countries such as the
Central African Republic often goes hand-in-hand with commercial interests. Overall, Russian trade and investment in
the continent is quite small, except in the strategic energy and mining sectors: oil, gas, diamonds, gold, aluminium and
nickel are among the African minerals extracted by Russian companies. Russia's African toolkit also includes covert
political influence operations – again, involving shady Kremlin-linked organisations, soft power (building on Soviet-era
links and a growing media presence), and increasingly close diplomatic ties. On the other hand, Russian development
and humanitarian aid to the continent is minimal. While Russia's influence in Africa is growing, it remains a
comparatively marginal player in most of the continent, except in a few key countries and economic sectors. Its overall
objective appears to be geopolitical competition with other more established players, rather than disinterested help for
African partners. Its role is therefore viewed with concern by the EU institutions and Member States.
Briefing EN
11-03-2022 Source : © Union européenne, 2022 - PE 10Vous pouvez aussi lire
