SAINT-LOUIS DU SENEGAL : L'ILE OU LA VILLE ? - LE PATRIMOINE CONTRE LE DÉCLIN ? HERITAGE AS A TOOL AGAINST DECLINE? - l'Icomos
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Theme 1
Session 2
LE PATRIMOINE CONTRE LE DÉCLIN ?
HERITAGE AS A TOOL AGAINST DECLINE?
SAINT-LOUIS DU SENEGAL : L'ILE OU LA VILLE ?
Abdoul Sow
Enseignant-Chercheur, UFR Civilisations, Religions, Arts et Communication (CRAC)
Université Gaston Berger de Saint-Louis, Sénégal
sow_abdoul@hotmail.com
Abstract. Malgré son site amphibie défavorable à une installation humaine d’envergure, Saint-Louis du
Sénégal est dotée d'un riche patrimoine matériel et immatériel ainsi que d'un statut d'ancienne capitale
pendant l’époque coloniale, ce qui l'a hissée sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l’Unesco en 2000. Ce
classement n’a pas arrêté les évolutions spatiales et les mutations sociales de l’île malgré sa forme physique
générale qui garde encore une trame régulière, composée de plusieurs types d’îlots. La société sénégalaise
actuelle, aux nouvelles pratiques urbaines, a précipité le mouvement de transformation spatiale car
historiquement l’île a vu une autre société, issue de métissages, avec ses propres déterminants culturels.
Les mutations tant spatiales que sociales reposent la question du classement de la ville avec ses vocables de
restauration et de conservation du bâti. Que signifie donc un site classé sur la liste du patrimoine mondial
de l’Unesco dans une ville africaine où des logiques de développement urbain l'emportent sur celles de
la conservation ? Qu'en est-il de l'unité territoriale de l'agglomération de Saint-Louis quand le classement
de l'île ne concerne qu'une infime portion restreinte de ce territoire ? Il est temps de s’interroger sur les
motivations réelles du classement sur la liste du patrimoine mondial car entre matérialité et mémoire, le lien
est assez flou, voire opposé. De ces contradictions, quelles sont actuellement les fonctions de l'île de Saint-
Louis au sein de la ville de Saint-Louis. Ce patrimoine ancien attire-t-il des populations et si oui, lesquelles
? Jusqu’où iront les transformations de l’île et qui profite de ce classement ? Quels sont les rôles et la
position économique de l'agglomération saint-louisienne dans les villes sénégalaises dans un contexte de
décentralisation avec de nombreux acteurs aux intérêts souvent divergents ?
Introduction
M algré son site amphibie défavorable à une instal- de l’Unesco dans une ville africaine où des logiques
lation humaine d’envergure, Saint-Louis du Sénégal de développement urbain l'emportent sur celles de
est dotée d'un riche patrimoine matériel et imma- la conservation ? Qu'en est-il de l'unité territoriale de
tériel ainsi que d'un statut d'ancienne capitale pen- l'agglomération de Saint-Louis quand le classement
dant l’époque coloniale, ce qui l'a hissée sur la liste de l'île ne concerne qu'une infime portion de ce ter-
du patrimoine mondial de l’Unesco en 2000. Ce ritoire ? S’interroger sur les motivations réelles du
classement n’a pas arrêté les évolutions spatiales et classement sur la liste du patrimoine mondial devient
les mutations sociales de l’île malgré sa forme phy- une nécessité car entre matérialité et mémoire, le
sique générale qui garde encore une trame régulière, lien est assez flou, voire opposé. De ces contradic-
composée de plusieurs types d’îlots. La société séné- tions, quelles sont actuellement les fonctions de l'île
galaise actuelle, aux nouvelles pratiques urbaines, a de Saint-Louis au sein de la ville de Saint-Louis. Ce
précipité le mouvement de transformation spatiale. patrimoine ancien attire-t-il des populations et si oui,
lesquelles ? Jusqu’où iront les transformations de l’île
Les mutations tant spatiales que sociales reposent la et à qui profite ce classement ? Quels sont les rôles et
question du classement de la ville avec ses vocables de la position économique de l'agglomération saint-loui-
restauration et de conservation du bâti. Que signifie sienne dans les villes sénégalaises dans un contexte
donc un site classé sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de décentralisation avec de nombreux acteurs aux
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intérêts souvent divergents ?
1. Capitale de l'Empire français, devenue ville pro-
vinciale reléguée à l'Indépendance
Première ville de modèle urbain français en Afrique
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
dont la création remonte en 1659, Saint-Louis du Sé-
négal occupe une place tout à fait singulière dans la
mémoire coloniale. L'île de Saint-Louis du Sénégal se
situe au milieu du fleuve Sénégal entre le grand bras
et le petit bras, à plus de 24 kilomètres de l’embou-
chure. Elle est donc enclavée entre la terre ferme
à l'est (le quartier de Sor) et un cordon lagunaire à
l'ouest (la Langue de Barbarie). L'île de Saint-Louis, au
centre de l'agglomération, mesure 2,5 kilomètres de
long sur 200 à 300 mètres de large, soit une superficie
de plus de 65 hectares.
Carte 1 : Évolution urbaine de 1817
à 2000
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Classée sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l'Unesco, 2. Une morphologie urbaine de plus en plus modifiée
cette bande de terre, étroite et sablonneuse, déserte
Délaissés, les vieux bâtiments de l’île connaissent
avant l'arrivée des Européens et peu hospitalière,
des dégradations sérieuses. Celles-ci, nombreuses,
émergeant à peine des eaux, offrait un refuge idéal
sont liées à l'âge des bâtiments (61 % du parc immo-
contre les attaques et incursions venant soit du conti-
bilier datent du XIXème siècle) mais aussi à la longé-
nent avec les populations autochtones, soit de la
vité difficile de certains matériaux dans un site d’eau
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
mer avec les puissances impérialistes de l'époque. Et
(inondations, humidité saline du sol) sans oublier les
c'est ce lieu qui servira, dans un premier temps, de
raisons foncières et socio-économiques. Le patri-
point de départ à la France pour établir des relations
moine architectural se trouve dans un état général
avec l'Afrique. Ce germe urbain français fut d'abord
de délabrement avancé, notamment les édifices pri-
comptoir commercial pendant la traite des Noirs,
vés à usage d’habitation. Ces derniers sont beaucoup
puis capitale de l’empire français en Afrique pendant
moins entretenus et la plupart tombe en ruine, lais-
l’occupation coloniale. Trois fois capitale déchue, de
sant de nombreux vides dans l’espace urbain. Malgré
l’Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF) en 1902, du
ces obstacles, l'île garde encore un bâti varié à usages
Sénégal en 1957, et de la Mauritanie en 1960, la ville
administratif, militaire, civil, commercial et religieux.
a connu un destin exceptionnel avant d'être reléguée
au rang de simple ville de province du territoire séné-
Photographie 1 : Bâtiment
galais. Le transfert des pouvoirs politiques et écono-
en voie d’effondrement
miques à Dakar à la fin des années 1950 a entraîné
une « fuite » massive de l’élite saint-louisienne. Dans
ce contexte, depuis plus de quatre décennies, les
décors architecturaux de la scène urbaine de l’île se
sont dégradés avec une ampleur jusqu’alors jamais
vue. La ville, où s’entassent strates successives des
productions urbaines du passé et strates sociales de
générations d’hommes et de femmes qui ont marqué
l’histoire coloniale et post-coloniale du continent afri-
cain, s’apparente à un musée à ciel ouvert. Déclarée
par l’Unesco patrimoine de l’humanité, l’île continue
néanmoins de s’effriter pendant que la ville s’étale.
Source : Abdoul SOW, 2005
Photographie 2 : Bâtiment effondré
Source : BREDA, Unesco, Icomos, 1973
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Photographie 3 : Bâtiments très dégradés
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
Source : BREDA, Unesco, Icomos, 1973
Photographie 4 : Démolition volontaire illégale en cours
Source : Abdoul SOW, 2005
Photographie 5 : Démolition achevée deux ans plus tard (même maison)
Source : Abdoul SOW, 2007
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Les édifices publics à usages administratif et/ou militaire n’ont de “classés monuments historiques” que la fa-
çade car ils cachent souvent un état déplorable une fois leur seuil franchi. Pourtant, le contexte et les moyens
de leur réalisation retracent les grandes étapes de l’urbanisation de l’île et l’histoire de la société d’alors.
Ces joyaux architecturaux sont menacés par l’usure du temps et les mutations de leurs fonctions, voire leur
abandon. Par défaut d’entretien régulier, la matérialité historique du centre ancien continue ses mues archi-
tecturales et ses fonctions urbaines se rétrécissent. Devant l’ampleur de ces dégradations, les constructions
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
précaires se multiplient dans les parties internes et anciennes tandis que sur les quais de nouvelles construc-
tions, de plus en plus hautes, sont édifiées pour les besoins du tourisme. On assiste donc à une urbanisation
en hauteur et une densification progressive sur le pourtour de l’île.
Photographie 6 : Pointe Sud et ses hôtels
Source : Abdoul SOW, 2007
Photographie 7 : Quai Henri Jay, hôtels remplaçant les entrepôts détruits
Source : Abdoul SOW, 2007
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Ces modifications résultent notamment des nou- édicter tout simplement un règlement qui aurait
veaux modes d’habitat et des nouveaux usages de une valeur juridique et laisserait des interprétations
l’espace issus de la modernité et de la mondialisation larges et multiples. Cela autoriserait une certaine
que la nouvelle société de l’île, composée majoritai- liberté aux aménageurs et aux architectes pour réali-
rement de Sénégalais, ne cesse d’intégrer. La société ser des interventions véritablement contemporaines
sénégalaise actuelle produit une architecture compo- dans l'île de Saint-Louis, sans pour autant altérer sa
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
site dont les lieux de vie répondent à des aspirations physionomie globale.
sociétales profondes. La recomposition sociologique
îlienne fait apparaître trois catégories de ménages :
les propriétaires de leur logement, les locataires et
les logés gratuitement dont les squatteurs. A la re- Carte 2 : Plan de Sauvegarde et de Mise en Valeur
cherche de nouveauté, de confort et d’esthétique, (PSMV) et sa Zone Tampon
les constructions ne reprennent que très rarement le
style architectural colonial, considéré comme ancien
et dépassé et surtout dont on veut s'affranchir. Ce
sont les maisons façonnées par une architecture d’in-
fluence islamique qui sont les plus recherchées par
les populations autochtones. La façade de la maison
empiétant sur la rue en hauteur, le balcon à claustras
plus fermé et l’augmentation considérable des lieux
de culte musulman dans l’île en sont des illustrations.
Cette société, aux liens sociaux forts résultant de la
famille traditionnelle africaine, transforme les usages
de l’espace. Dans un pays tropical, où le climat rythme
et conditionne en partie la vie, les espaces extérieurs
deviennent le prolongement des espaces privés. Ces
derniers s’organisent du dehors (la rue) au plus secret
(la chambre) dont le seuil, la galerie et la cour consti-
tuent les espaces les plus usuels.
3. La préservation du patrimoine : divergences et
convergences
La spéculation foncière en cours et le développement
du tourisme à Saint-Louis révèlent que le classement
de l’île sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l’Unesco
a des effets de leviers. Avant comme après ce clas-
sement, des changements substantiels et rapides se
sont opérés dans son organisation urbaine, ses infras-
tructures, ses bâtiments, ses modes de vie malgré la
prise de mesures de protection. Ces transformations
résultent également de deux positions extrêmes qui
s'affrontent. Le Plan de Sauvegarde et de Mise en Va-
leur (PSMV) de Saint-Louis tout comme les politiques
actuelles de sauvegarde du patrimoine menées par
l'Unesco illustrent bien les contradictions. En effet,
pour certains acteurs, dont le rêve est de faire de l’île
une "ville musée", le PSMV devrait refléter l'histoire Cette position est d’autant plus justifiée qu’entre
entière de l'urbanisme et de l'architecture de l'île. 1960 et 2008 Saint-Louis a expérimenté des évolu-
Cela va jusqu'à interdire toute modification, y com- tions contradictoires. Tandis que la commune de
pris les espaces relégués jugés insalubres telles les Saint-Louis (île incluse) continue de perdre ses fonc-
baraques. Pour d'autres acteurs, vu le nombre d'es- tions de commandement, l’agglomération observe
paces vides et de bâtiments en ruine, le PSMV devrait un développement démographique et spatial.
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Tableau 1 : Évolution de la population de l’île dans la Commune (1976 – 2005)
Nb d’habitants Nb d’habitants
Secteurs % %
en 1976 en 2005
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
Langue de 20775 39056
23,66
Barbarie 23,5
15029
Ile 17 12341 7,48
49861
Sor 56,4 101764 61,66
Périphérie
7,2
commu- 2741 3,1 11877
nale
Ensemble 88406 100 165038 100
A.SOW - d'après les données du Service Régional de la Statistique, Edition 1982 et Edition 2005 et celles du
recensement de 1976 et les estimations de 2005.
Graphique 1 : Évolution de la population par secteur
S'il y a eu "régression" et "déclin", comme se com-
plaisent à le clamer les partisans de la ville musée,
peut-être est-ce dû à l'effacement des seuls aspects
européens que revêtait Saint-Louis ? N’en déplaisent
à certains “conservateurs de musées” reconvertis
sous les tropiques en “urbaniste spécialiste du pa-
trimoine colonial”, les analyses révèlent que la ville
européenne s’estompe depuis les premières années
de l’Indépendance pour faire place progressivement
à un autre modèle de ville sénégalais, fait de sym-
biose, d'adaptation, de complémentarité, de créativi-
té et qui pourrait bien être celui de l'avenir dans une
Afrique en pleine mutation.
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References
SOW Abdoul, L’île de Saint-Louis du Sénégal, formes spatiales et formes sociales : destinées d’une ville, Thèse
de Doctorat en Aménagement de l'Espace, Urbanisme, Université Paris X-Nanterre, 2008.
Saint-Louis du Sénégal : L'île ou la ville ?
SOW Abdoul, Gestion urbaine à Saint-Louis du Sénégal : enjeux et conflits d’intérêts entre les différents ac-
teurs, Mémoire de DEA Ville et Société, Laboratoire de Géographie Urbaine, Université Paris X-Nanterre, 2002.
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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WHEN CITIES SHRINK:
REDEFINING ROLES FOR CONSERVATION, DEVELOPMENT,
AND INVESTMENT
Ned Kaufman
Kaufman + González International Heritage Consultancy
New York, USA
ned@kaufmanconservation.com
Abstract. Real estate development often threatens heritage resources. Yet the investment it brings often
provides an engine for conservation. What happens when the problem is not too much but too little
investment? When instead of growing, cities shrink ? When instead of be-coming more valuable, historic
properties lose value to the point where, far from being redeveloped, they are abandoned ? This is the case
today in many parts of Europe and especially in the US, where historically important cities like Philadelphia,
New Orleans, Detroit, Cleveland, and Pittsburgh are entering their sixth or seventh decade of shrinkage.
What should – what can – historic preservation do in the face of demographic, economic, social, and political
decline ?
Given its severe impacts, urban shrinkage has prompted surprisingly little attention from US conservation
professionals. But the outlines of an approach are clear. If heritage is an engine for development in growing
economies, in shrinking economies we must reverse the equation: development must provide an engine for
conservation. Instead of focusing on blocking or redirecting investment, conservation must encourage it.
Yet it must be recognized that in the absence of a functioning real estate market or profit potential, private
investment is not the answer. Rather, we must stimulate public investment and community development.
And heritage professionals must look be-yond buildings or even urban ensembles to the community as a
living entity, one rooted in history and capable of regenerating itself in place. Here the ultimate aim of
conservation must be to assure the com-munity’s survival, including both physical fabric and living heritage.
The modern practice of heritage conservation arose economic activity, a surfeit of poverty, and a surfeit
in the United States in response to the pressure of of vacant and abandoned buildings – the very oppo-
growth, as revulsion against the endless cycles of site of growth (Table 1, Fig. 1).
destruction and development prompted new his-
toric preservation laws. That was in the 1960s. Yet Urban shrinkage is not limited to the US:
even today, growth continues to dominate the global Turin, Bremen, Sheffield, Belfast, Budapest, Bucha-
consciousness. The world’s population is swelling, rest, St. Etienne, and Riga are among the European
as are its cities. A skyscraper in Dubai reaches the cities that have also been shrinking. Though Latin
unprecedented height of 830 meters. A billionaire in American cities are not shrinking, their historic cen-
Mumbai builds the world’s tallest and most expensive ters show many of the same symptoms, such as disin-
house. vestment, abandonment of property, physical decay,
New oil fields are developed, new pipelines built. and poverty. We should set the North American city
The evidence of growth assails us from all sides. in this larger context. Yet urban shrink-age in the US is
Perhaps for this reason, heritage professionals in the distinctive in at least three ways: the early onset and
US have failed to recognize that many of our most long continuation of the problem; the importance of
historic cities are not growing but, on the contrary, suburban growth as a causal factor; and the extreme
are shrinking. Between 1950 and 2010, Detroit lost reluctance to employ public investment as a solution.
over 60 percent of its population. Cleveland has What I would like to do now is consider ur-
lost almost half its peak population, Baltimore 35 ban shrinkage as a heritage problem. This is a novel
percent, Philadelphia more than one fourth. All of perspective, for while its contributions to crime, sic-
these cities, and many others, have been shrinking kness, poverty, and the collapse of public services
for decades – in some cases more than seventy years. have been widely studied, its devastating impacts on
All suffer from lack of investment, lack of jobs, lack of heritage have not – even by heritage specialists. This
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TABLE 1. Ten shrinking cities: population change silence is puzzling, for urban shrinkage is one of the
1950-2010. most severe threats facing heritage in the US today. It
attacks at least six distinct categories of heritage:
Redefining Roles for Conservation,
First, residential architecture and neighbo-
rhoods (Fig. 2). Individual buildings and indeed entire
neighborhoods have been abandoned and ultima-
Development, and Investment
tely destroyed by urban shrinkage, erasing entire
chapters in the history of American architecture and
settlement.
Second, historic centers or downtowns,
When Cities Shrink :
dense concentrations of commercial, retail, and civic
buildings, culminating in the distinctively North Ame-
rican phenomenon of the skyscraper. These too have
been devastated by urban shrinkage.
Long streets lined with shops are another
characteristic feature of American cities (Fig. 3). They
used to function as anchors of community life but are
now shuttered and derelict.
Civic and monumental architecture encom-
passes a community’s most representative buildings,
including town halls, libraries, religious buildings, and
places of public assembly such as railway stations,
banks, and theaters (Fig. 4). All of these fall victim to
declining population and budgets.
(Author; figures from US Census and www.
populstat.info)
Figure 1. In shrinking cities, declining population and
growing poverty
combine, leading to large inventories of vacant or
abandoned
property, as here in Philadelphia. (photo: author)
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Session 2
Redefining Roles for Conservation,
Development, and Investment
When Cities Shrink :
Figure 2. The streets in this residential
neighborhood in Detroit were once solidly
lined with houses. Today, little remains.
(Satellite photo: Google Earth)
Figure 3. Population decline, rising poverty, and suburbanization have
turned healthy local shopping streets (above: Bozeman, Montana) into
shadows of themselves (below: Rock Springs, Wyoming). (Photos: author)
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HERITAGE, DRIVER OF DEVELOPMENTTheme 1
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Redefining Roles for Conservation,
Development, and Investment
When Cities Shrink :
Figure 4. Schools are important community anchors yet often fall
victim to shrinkage and restructuring, as here in Rock Springs,
Wyoming. (Photo: author)
Industrial buildings were the primary source
of wealth for all of these communities. Yet as industry
moved to the suburbs and then gave way to a
service economy, they have been left behind. While
a few are rehabilitated as loft apartments, art stu-
dios, or high-end shopping, poverty and low demand
doom most to abandonment and demolition (Fig. 5).
Sixth and finally, intangible heritage, which
includes both the traditions that communities deve-
lop from inhabiting a place over time and the feelings
of attachment and affection that link people to that
place. Obviously as neighborhoods are depopulated
and their physical fabric decimated, their intangible
heritage vanishes as well (Fig. 6-7).
While it is helpful to catalog heritage assets
in this way, we should not forget that the most im-
portant and the most threatened heritage asset is
the urban community itself. If this disappears, the
rescue of specific assets becomes at best a tactical
victory, overshadowed by a crushing defeat. Faced
with urban shrinkage, then, conservation strategy
must aim to help urban communities maintain their
living connections to history and place, which means
strengthening their ability to propagate themselves
Figure 5. Industrial buildings were early casualties of a declining
as living communities. urban manufacturing economy. Some have been recycled as arts
From this perspective, it becomes clear that organizations (top: North Bennington, Vermont) or loft apartments
many community development agencies are in fact (middle: Seattle). But mosthave been demolished or, at best, face an
doing conservation work, even though they would uncertain future (bottom: Williamstown, Massachusetts). (Photos:
author)
reject the idea. So are housing, planning, and social
service agencies, fire and police departments, and
mayoral offices. They are all trying to sustain the city
as a living organism. But their views of conservation
are not always the same as ours, nor have their efforts
been entirely successful. And so conservation profes-
sionals have both an obligation and an opportunity to
get involved. I would like now to consider how they
might do so, reviewing the most promising policies
and programs and suggesting how these could be
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since the US political culture is so averse to direct so-
cial investment, it comes as tax reductions offered to
developers in exchange for investing in socially bene-
ficial projects. We have three tax credit programs
Redefining Roles for Conservation,
which interact in complicated ways: one for rehabili-
tating historic buildings, another for building or reha-
bilitating affordable housing, and a third for projects
Development, and Investment
located in certain low-income neighborhoods. These
programs have encouraged rehabilitation of historic
buildings yet have not greatly helped shrinking cities
and neighborhoods: first because they are not targe-
When Cities Shrink :
ted for use there; second because their stringent pre-
servation requirements limit their adoption in those
stressful economic conditions; and third because the
subsidies are generally unavailable to homeowners
and not-for-profit organizations.
Figure 6. This unassuming building in Pittsburgh once
held the Crawford Grill, a center of African American
social and musical life. (Photo: author)
optimized to meet the challenges of urban shrinkage.
Our initial observations must be of a nega-
tive nature. First, policies based on regulatory pro-
tection are largely irrelevant: designed to shield
particular buildings from development pressure, they
are powerless against its absence. Simply put, no law
can prevent an owner from abandoning a building.
Second, policies designed to protect a few special
buildings while ignoring the rest are also unhelpful,
because they don’t strengthen the living historical
fabric in which these special buildings will be used
and maintained. What are we left with? Three areas
are promising: first, public subsidies or social invest-
Figure 7. Local traditions that give spaces social meaning
ment; second, practices of collaboration; and third,
and historical significance cannot survive in the absence
programs for intangible heritage. I’ll take up each one of people (above, Washington Heights, New York; below,
in turn. Rittenhouse Square, Philadelphia). (Photos: author)
Since the basic problem in shrinking cities
is the collapse of demand and the consequent with-
drawal of investment in buildings and infrastructure,
conservation policy must aim to stimulate invest-
ment. This is the opposite of a growth-dominated en-
vironment, where the central challenge is to restrain
investment. The difference is immediately visible in
the contrast between over-building and abandon-
ment (Fig. 8). Unfortunately, since normal market
structures have collapsed in severely affected neigh-
borhoods, we cannot turn to private business for
investment: instead, we must look to the public and
non-profit sectors. Thus we are talking specifically
about subsidized, public, or social investment.
Social investment comes in two forms. First,
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Redefining Roles for Conservation,
Development, and Investment
When Cities Shrink :
Figure 8. Whereas too much investment produces over-building (left: Manhattan, New York), too little
leads to vacancy and abandonment of property (right: Philadelphia). (Photos: author)
Still, low income levels limit homeowners’
ability to benefit from tax breaks based on invest-
ment. Fortunately, we have other forms of subsidy.
Our second category of social investment includes
direct grants and loans for rehabilitation, typically
awarded by state or local agencies or not-for-profits.
Although the small size of these awards – often as
little as a few thousand dollars – seems trivial in the
face of urban shrinkage, they can actually be quite ef-
fective. Covering the roof of an empty house will pre-
vent its collapse and may thereby deter the neighbors
from abandoning their homes. A new boiler may help
a low-income homeowner stay in her home, thereby
averting the depopulation of an entire block. In this
way, small investments can pay large social dividends
(Fig. 9). Clearly an enhanced program of direct sub-
sidies is a necessary component in our conservation
strategy: to be effective, help must be targeted to
shrinking cities and prioritize basic maintenance over
high-quality craftsmanship. Figure 9. Replacing the
roof on the rowhouse
Our second policy area is practices of col- at left (Philadelphia,
laboration. We have got to work hand in hand with left) might prevent its
others who are trying to revitalize shrinking cities collapse, forestalling
in their own ways. This is a truth that was once wi- further abandonment
and deterioration.
dely understood. For ex-ample, Pittsburgh’s leading What would keep
heritage group was founded in 1964 to revitalize af- the low-income
fordable housing in deteriorated neighborhoods wit- homeowner at right
hout displacing residents or triggering gentrification. (Butte, Montana)
from leaving ? (Photos:
Over time, however, the once-united fields of histo- National Trust for
ric preservation and community development began Historic Preservation,
to drift apart and then to develop along separate author).
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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HERITAGE, DRIVER OF DEVELOPMENTTheme 1
Session 2
trajectories. It is no longer possible to reunite them. conservation professionals must focus on strengthe-
But we can certainly collaborate. ning them. There is nothing sentimental about this.
In fact, our community development par- Life in shrinking neighborhoods is difficult at best,
tners need our technical expertise. Their planning de- and anything that supports residents’ commitment
Redefining Roles for Conservation,
cisions are often informed by large quantities of data, to stay also helps conserve the neighborhood. Cele-
yet one kind of data that is nearly always lacking is in- brating local history and traditions is a very efficient
formation on architectural and historical significance. way to achieve this.
Development, and Investment
It is not only community development agencies that The techniques are well known. The most
lack this information. To a surprising extent, heri- promising require working directly with residents,
tage groups also lack it. As of 2007, for example, only validating their own experience as a starting point for
4 percent of Philadelphia’s buildings had ever been connecting with the community’s history. The ques-
When Cities Shrink :
surveyed. Thus planners routinely decide the fate of tion is how to integrate heritage work into the lar-
neighborhoods in total ignorance of their architec- ger community development effort. One approach,
ture or history. Heritage groups can fix this problem developed by community-based arts organizations, is
by carrying out large-scale surveys and, collaborating to link heritage to cultural events such as theatrical
with planners, by integrating the information into city productions, art projects, block parties, and local fes-
data-bases and decision-making processes. tivals. These do not sound like heritage programs, but
by grounding them in a solid understanding of local
In addition to our expertise, our funding can history and tradition, conservation professionals can
be helpful to our community development partners, participate constructively. A second approach leads
for even though the sums at stake may be small, we through social services. This was pioneered by com-
have seen that their leveraging power is disproportio- munity-based organizations like London’s Center-
nately large. That leveraging power can be multiplied prise, which combined local history initiatives such
through collaboration – that is, by aligning our spen- as oral history programs with basic services such as
ding with community development priorities. Toge- English classes, health care, immigration assistance,
ther, quite simply, we can achieve more. and daycare for its working-class and immigrant
The third promising area for conservation neighbors. More recently, a Chicago non-profit,
policy concerns intangible heritage. An urban com- Neighborhood Housing Services, launched a Histo-
munity’s living connections to history and place are ric Chicago Greystone Initiative, which is intended to
its most valuable heritage resources. Where they are build appreciation for the neighborhood’s distinctive
weak or threatened, as in shrinking neighborhoods, building stock and its unusual history as both a Jewish
Figure 10. Launched by a housing services organization, the Chicago Historic Greystone Initiative seeks to
build appreciation for North Lawndale’s handsome though deteriorated building stock, of a type known
locally as greystones,
and its illustrious past. (Photo: author)
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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HERITAGE, DRIVER OF DEVELOPMENTTheme 1
Session 2
and an African American neighborhood (Fig. 10). NHS TABLE 2. A Conservation Policy for Shrinking
continues to offer its regular menu of subsidized ren- Cities
tal housing and low-interest mortgages to residents
of the poor and severely shrunken North Lawndale
Redefining Roles for Conservation,
neighborhood. ① Enhance and target investment subsidies
including tax incentives and direct grants and
These three strategies – enhanced subsidies loans.
Development, and Investment
for investment, collaboration, and intangible heritage
– form the core of a conservation policy for shrinking
cities. All are aimed at arresting or even reversing ② Work collaboratively
deterioration. But in many cases, deterioration can’t with all who seek to revitalize shrinking cities.
When Cities Shrink :
be arrested. Here, conservationists will find two addi-
tional strategies useful. The first is to move buildings.
Though conservation dogma is strongly opposed to ③ Promote intangible heritage
moving building, the shrinking city presents many cir- to strengthen sense of place and feelings of
cumstances in which it is probably the best available belonging.
option. For example, where a once-thriving neigh-
borhood has been reduced to a handful of surviving
④ Move buildings
houses, those houses may well be doomed unless
they are moved. If doing so can strengthen another where it is constructive and feasible to do so.
neighborhood that still has hope, then relocation is
probably the right decision. ⑤ Create a record
Second, recordation. In shrinking neighbo-
rhoods, entire chapters of urban history can and do of whatever cannot be saved.
vanish without a trace. Information about what kinds
of places they were, what they looked like, what local
traditions they nurtured can quickly become unreco-
verable. In this situation, conservation groups must
become the guardians of the city’s historical me-
mory, using photography, drawings, interviews, and
oral histories to create the necessary record for the
future.
I’ve outlined five strategic initiatives that
form the basis of a constructive heritage policy for
shrinking cities. They are summarized in Table 2 be-
low. Obviously none of these initiatives will reverse
urban shrinkage. Yet a constructive heritage policy
can save buildings, urban ensembles, and local cus-
toms. Most importantly, it can help threatened urban
communities re-generate themselves, thereby pres-
erving their living connections to history and place.
Rather than being daunted by the challenges of urban
shrinkage, conservation groups and professionals
should become constructively involved, energetically
applying the remedies at hand while working to deve-
lop new and better ones.
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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Session 2
THE PERUVIAN NORTHERN COAST
AS A HERITAGE DRIVER DEVELOPMENT PROCESS
Dr. Alberto Martorell
ICOMOS-ICLAFI Vice-President
ICOMOS Peru
martorellc@yahoo.com
Abstract. This paper discusses how, for the last 20 years, archaeology is playing a major role in the develop-
ment process of the Peruvian Northern Coast.
P eruvian Northern Coast has a very reach archaeo- most important archaeological museums in Peru.
logical history. There are archaeological sites of the The fact is that neither Larco Herrera Museum nor
higher scientific interest in the area, the most well- The Gold Museum of Mujica Gallo Foundation (that
known coming from the Chimu, Mochica and Lam- organized some very successful -considering the
bayeque cultures. Coastal Valleys were the seat of number of visitors- international exhibitions afte-
important regional developments and there is a rwards criticized due to authenticity questions which
rich cultural heritage of their times. To name just a it is not the case to discuss here) generated an inter-
few, we can talk about the archaeological sites of national expectation by the Northern Coast of Peru
San José de Moro, Huaca Dos Cabezas, Complejo as a cultural area.
Pacatnamú, Casa de la Luna or Sián in the Valley of Insertion of this cultural area in the world academic
Jetepeque; Sipan (maybe the most famous one), Ven- and common interest is something happening for
tarron, Tucume and Pampa Grande in the Valley of around the last short 20 years. What is the change
Lambayeque; Chan Chan World Heritage Site and the generating this increasing interest on the cultures
Sun and Moon Huacas in the Valley of Moche and the that flourished in the area? I content that a scienti-
sites of Sonolipe, Urricape, Mocollope, la Campana, fic archaeological boom did start more or less by the
Huaca Cartavio, Huaca Colorada and the Archaeologi- time of the formal discovery of the burial place of the
cal Complex El Brujo in the valley of Chicama. The last Lord of Sipan. This is not the only one case. But it had
one was the place where the remains of the so called a World level impact. The Lord of Sipan was compa-
Lady of Cao were discovered. red with the most famous Egyptian Pharaohs’ tombs.
This broad and reach region has been plundered by il- Archaeological teams working at Huaca Rajada, Sipan,
legal looters for many decades. Some say that looting Sun and Moon Huacas, el Brujo Archaeological Com-
has occurred in Peru ever since the Spanish conquest plex, Tucume pyramids, Ventarron, and many other
of the Inca Empire. The fact is that Peru has loosened sites in the region, have a long time in the field, being
a no quantifiable amount of archaeological pieces one of their main impacts a rich information on the
many of which are currently in particular and public cultural developments made by Moche, Lambayeque
collections around the world. and other cultures. This positioned the area in the po-
After the current archaeological researching boom pular imagination around the world. The North of Peru
started, some amateur archaeological studies were was a third level destination for the tourism industry
made in the area. One of the most famous writers of before the described process. Nowadays, there is a
this period is Rafael Larco Herrera, a reach landowner growing number of international visitors coming to
who dedicated his efforts to the recovery and classi- know some destinations such as the Royal Museum
fication of archaeological items. He also bought some of the Lord of Sipan and the Moon and Sun Huacas
collections. The results both of his personal excava- or Tucume. Again, we are giving just some examples:
tions and acquisitions from other collections are part there are many other possible destinations.
of the Larco Herrera Museum in Lima, one of the One of the interesting facts is that the projects have
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not only been focused in archaeological issues, but
in social and regional development. That is the case
of the interventions financed by the Peru-France
Counterpart Fund (FCPF), which we will present
as a heritage driver development process
as international cooperation program which have
generated real development programs having heri-
tage as their center. By this way, heritage conserva-
tion played a role as a catalyst for development in
identity.
The Peruvian Northern Coast
The year 2008 the Peru-France Counterpart Fund
(FCPF) convoked an open tender for consultancy
service for the evaluation of the projects financed
by his program on cultural heritage interventions.
The Observatory for Tourism of the University of
San Martin de Porres was selected on a competitive Figure 1: Ceiling infrastructure. Huaca las Balsas. Túcume
Figure: A. Martorell
basis. The team in charge of the project was under
the direction of the responsible of this paper, Dr. factors have also been matter of concern for the pro-
Alberto Martorell. The evaluation included three ject managers.
archaeological sites: the Choquequirao Archaeolo- One of the main values of the program promoted
gical Park in Region of Apurimac, the Sun and Moon by FCPF and the Site Museum was a comprehensive
Huacas in the Region of Trujillo and the Tucume methodology to carry on it. In fact they were able to
Pyramids Complex, in the Region of Lambayeque. create a participative framework where the local po-
The last two sites are located in the area of study I pulation, local and regional authorities, businessmen,
am discussing on this paper (the Peruvian Northern and representatives of the FCPF work all together.
Coast geographical region). I will present in the next The FCPF project in Tucume included the following
paragraphs the case of Tucume and Sun and Moon main components :
Huacas. Both cases will serve me to explain how
heritage can contribute to regional development, 1.Archaeological researching.
being the case of acting as a centre for exchange Being the core aspect of the project. It was designed
and activities. in order to study the constructive sequences and
historic chronology of Las Balsas within the Complex
of Tucume context. In a first stage it included the
1.Tucume Archaeological Complex construction of a temporal ceiling structure which
have been replaced by the definitive one. Obtained
The Valley of the Pyramids, named Tucume Ar- results are highly positive.
chaeological Complex, is located at the Region of
Lambayeque. It is 33 km far from Chiclayo, the main 2.Architectonic conservation.
city in the Region. It is one of the main pre-inca com- Consolidation, restoration and protection of the
plexes, around Mount La Raya. In this area dozens constructive elements was made following interna-
of pyramids were constructed by the Lambayeque tional principles. Huaca Las Balsas is currently in an
people and afterwards re-used under Chimus and optimum state of conservation.
Incas rules (around 10th to 16th centuries)
The high potential for development of an archaeo- 3.Enhancement.
logical park of the place is evident. However the Once conservation was guaranteed, communica-
complexity of the site due mainly to the number tional and public use programs were a necessity. A
of pyramids and the climatologic conditions made very interesting and technically designed interactive
quite difficult to manage it. Tucume is also the name interpretative corridor both to arrive to the area and
of a small town, just next to the entry of the ar- surrounding the specific archaeological structures
chaeological area. Poverty levels are still one of the has been built and is currently functioning. Visitor’s
main problems of Tucume and some other minor equipment, parking, signals and interpretative pa-
rural villages, (two of them, Nancolan y Teplo were nels, handicrafts shop, and external paths were care-
directly benefited by the FCPF project) fully planned, using traditional materials and caring
The archaeological issue has not been managed only the general environmental values of the site.
with conservationist criteria. Social and economic
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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4.Communitarian development. development planning framework. The population
The two benefited areas are named Teplo and Nanco- of Tucume (immediately next to the archaeological
lan. Potable water installations, public light systems, area) is growing in a very chaotic way, without any
sanitarian facilities and a new path for accessing technical guidance. This must change.
as a heritage driver development process
were constructed. It can be affirmed that the project Furthermore, out of the visitor’s facilities within the
helped people to overcoming the extreme poverty archaeological complex, there is not a program to
facilitate people staying in the place. There are not
lodging or restoring services to attend visitors. It
generates that the tourist arriving to the place stay
The Peruvian Northern Coast
there for a very short time, andas a consequence,
economic benefits are very short.
From the archaeological point of view, much of the
work is still pending to be done. The area, as it was
said before, includes dozens of pyramids. Las Balsas
is just one of them, and the only one fully researched
and enhanced. Partial works were made in other
areas. However, there is no other pyramid reaching
the conditions to be presented to the public. Dif-
ferent administrative problems give to the abandon
of the other projects, and old ceiling and accessing
structures are in bad conditions. Researching works
were not completed and the result is the existence of
some fragile elements risking to disappear. It is neces-
sary a wider effort to research as the first step and to
give social use to the rest of archaeological elements,
which however constitute without any kind of doubts
the most valuable input for sustainable development
of the region.
2.Sun and Moon Huacas
The “Huacas del Sol y de la Luna”, or Temple of the
Sun and the Moon is an archaeological complex 15
minutes far from the main Peruvian city of the Region,
Trujllo in the northern coast of Peru. The site includes
the Huaca (Temple of the Stars), the White Hill Huaca,
Figure 2 & 3: “The town of the kids”. Hypotetic recreation of the
the spider geoglyph and other constructions. It was
Lambayeque’s houses, in miniature. The space is used for the an administrative and political center of the Mochica
program “Tucume Archaeological Site Children Board” culture (100-900 a.C). It encloses 60 hectares.
It is a interesting case of public-private sponsorship in
cultural heritage issues. The project started around
1991. It got the initial economic support of the Tru-
levels. jillo Brewing Society and the Ford Foundation. Cur-
Capacity building workshops and other participative rent management model is the result of an alliance
activities gave the step to the creation of handicrafts between Minister of Culture, the National University
producer’s organizations, some of them participating of Trujillo, the Moche Valley Temples Patrons Society,
in local, national and international fairs. and Backus and Johnston Peruvian Breweries Society.
It must be said that not all the described activities From 2007 to 2010 the FCPF auspicated the Research,
were founded by the FCPF. Other local, regional, conservation, enhancement and social use project
national and international funds were also applied to for the Sun and Moon Huacas and the Moche valley.
execute the development program. The components of the project included two areas:
Remaining problematic of Tucume:
There are of course other necessities in the area of 1. Archeological research, restoration and enhance-
Tucume. We can start discussing the lack of a general ment of the site and ?
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3. Conclusions
Both of the cases we have discussed here are good
examples of how heritage can contribute to the
as a heritage driver development process
reestablishment of the space. The Moche Valley has
maintained his agricultural vocation in part due to the
existence of the archaeological area. It is very impor-
tant to maintain the area free or urban development
circuits. The project has recuperated some traditional
The Peruvian Northern Coast
values. Music and handicrafts production are good
examples. Social echoes are starting to emerge, crea-
ting a strong “mocheros” regional identity. Tourism
is being rationally organized as a factor for regional
development. Quality improvements in handicrafts
Figure 4: Ai Apaec. Main moche divinity.
Figure: A. Martorell
production, well presented local markets and an in-
ternational projection through direct participation in
national and international fairs, are creating a sustai-
nable development model.
In the case of the Archaeological area of Tucume di-
2. Capacity building and market insertion program for rect inclusion of the social dimension is very impor-
handcrafts producers of the Moche Valley. tant. There are strong necessities and a big effort
is necessary to manage from an integrationist and
The FCPF project has participated in the most impor- participative perspective the cultural heritage of the
tant archaeological researching task undertaken in area. Work with children, capacity building programs
this site. It includes the main sector of the pyramids. and other projects designed to generate social deve-
One of the most amazing remains is the polychroma- lopment will contribute to reach these goals.
tic paintings with the face of Ai Aepec, main God of Other archaeological projects are working in the same
the Northern Peruvian cultures. line. It is the case of Sipan, being the Royal Tumbs of
As it was said, the social dimension of the program the Lord of Sipan Museum one of the most amazing
consists on capacity building activities targeted in cultural improvements in Peru and even in the inter-
the handcrafts producer in the area. There is a tradi- national arena. Recently, new museums have been
tional production, and the proposal was targeted in inaugurated in the region. Technical improvements
improving quality both of installations and produc- both for the conservation of the items and to com-
tion process and results. Some of the iconographical municate their value to visitors were carefully desig-
elements of the archaeological site have been incor- ned in some of them. We can quote the example of
porate to diversity the offer. Some of the workshops the Museum of the Lady of Cao, in the Brujo Archaeo-
have been enhanced in order to create more appro- logical Complex. Surely the future development of
priate spaces both for the productive process and the the Northern Coastal Peruvian region will be clearly
commercialization of the results. Some new technical marked by the appropriate use of the archaeological
tools were introduced with the FCPF support. resources. They are, for sure, the main asset of the
The area has been included in a new tourism project region.
called “The Moche Route” which is still in a develo-
ping moment.
Concerning the problems affecting the area, there is
an urban growing process. The Valle de Moche tradi-
tional agricultural use of the land is risking to disap-
pear. Real estate companies are very interested on
urbanizing the Valley. This would seriously affect the
archaeological area. It is necessary a management
plan for the whole valley, including archaeological,
anthropological, conservationists criteria, to name
but a few number of specialties that a trans- discipli-
nary cultural project demand. Lands currently used
for agricultural production must keep this condition.
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References
BALLART HERNÁNDEZ, Josep; JUAN I TRESSERAS, Jordi, Gestión del patrimonio cultural. Barcelona: Ariel, 2001
as a heritage driver development process
CEBRIÁN ABELLÁN, Aurelio (Coord.), Turismo cultural y desarrollo sostenible: análisis de áreas patrimoniales.
MURCIA: Universidad de Murcia, 2001.
The Peruvian Northern Coast
GUTIÉRREZ-CORTINES CORRAL, Cristina (ED.), Desarrollo sostenible y patrimonio histórico y natural: una nue-
va mirada hacia la renovación del pasado. Santander: Fundación Marcelino Botín, 2002.
MARTÍNEZ JUSTICIA, María José, Antología de textos sobre restauración. Selección, traducción y estudio cri-
tic. Jaen: Universidad de Jaen, 1996.
MUJICA, Elías and HIROSE, Eduardo. El Brujo: Huaca Cao. Centro ceremonial. Lima: Fundación Wiesse, 2007.ç
MUJICA, Elías and UCEDA, Santiago. Moche: hacia el final del milenio. Lima: PUCP, 1999.
NARVAEZ, Alfredo and SANDWEISS, Daniel H. Pyramids of Túcume. The quest for Peru's forgotten city. Lon-
don: Thames and Hudson, 1995.
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Session 2
SPACE IS NOT NOTHING: HERITAGE AESTHETICS AND THE STRUGGLE
FOR SPACE
Juliet Ramsay
ICOMOS ISC on Cultural Landscapes
Burra, Australia
julietdmramsay@hotmail.com
Feng Han
Department of Landscape Studies
College of Architecture and Urban Planning
Tongji University
Shanghai, P.R.China
franhanf@gmail.com
Abstract. The paper explores government encouraged industrial developments in the name of climate
change mitigation and the impacts on the aesthetic and social values of rural cultural landscapes and rural
lifestyles. The squandering of space and the disruption of spatial scale is also considered and discussed with
regard to cultural landscapes. Examples of urban and rural landscapes are presented with an analysis of the
effectiveness of heritage listings and the at times unjust and the arduous plight forced on rural communities
by development impacts.
The paper questions and discusses:
(a) the role of aesthetics in the outstanding universal, national and local value of cultural landscapes, the scope
of aesthetic value and how it has been applied to identify cultural landscape values in different countries;
(b) the attempts but apparent failure of the cultural heritage discipline to provide adequate measures to
establish the strength of cultural capital in the competing demands on the resource of physical space; and
(c) the big picture and constructive approaches to improve the status of rural cultural landscapes and assist
rural communities continue their lifestyle.
Introduction
'Space' is a topic that has challenged physicists, Space can be unlimited, infinite, indefinite or clearly
philosophers, psychologists and designers for gene- or subtly defined. Space is where we accumulate our
rations. For those involved in landscape design and intimate experience through time and where place
reading cultural landscapes, space is an essential ele- is created through myths, legends and emotional
ment, be it a part of the smallest garden or the largest attachment to land. Space also presents the visibility
designed landscape or the intimacy and expanses of of the creation of space through which we appreciate
countryside and nature. the aesthetics of structures or landforms or sounds.
Aristotle described space as the container of All music and bird sounds have abstract spaces that
all objects while Isaac Newton proposed the notion of articulate the melody or the meaning of the call.
'absolute space' – that space is an entity that frames Space therefore gives us the dimension to read, un-
and contains all material objects (Madanipour 1996, derstand and enjoy a place. Space and aesthetics are
5). Space is not simply defined, apart from being 'the indivisible. Colors, size, lines, patterns ethereal and
region beyond earth’s atmosphere' and 'between ce- ephemeral moments in space give rise to our meta-
lestial bodies', it is also described as 'the unbounded physical imagination. Space can be physical, social
three-dimensional expanse' and 'a period or interval and symbolic and along with aesthetics is a significant
of time', 'an area set aside for use', ‘of mythical or element of landscapes.
experiential’ and more. Space is distinct from mass The Xi'an Declaration on the Conservation
which is almost always architectural structures. of the Setting of Heritage Structures, Sites and Areas
LE PATRIMOINE, MOTEUR DE DÉVELOPPEMENT
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